However, while Trump was able to unleash a blitz of lawsuits and political pressure on elected officials responsible for counting votes, voting in Brazil is run by federal electoral courts whose judges show no qualms about standing up to Bolsonaro. The Brazilian president has warned that the aftermath of Brazil's election this year could be worse than the fallout from that contested U.S. ![]() election were echoed by the Brazilian leader even after the Capitol invasion.īolsonaro was one of the last world leaders to recognize President Joe Biden's electoral victory. The issue has unsettled many in Washington who see Bolsonaro following in the steps of former President Donald Trump, whose baseless allegations of fraud in the 2020 U.S. International election experts have praised Brazil's electronic voting machines for ending widespread fraud in the tabulation of paper ballots before 1996, with no cases of fraud detected since then despite Bolsonaro's accusations. Central Intelligence Agency, Bill Burns, last year told Bolsonaro's senior aides that he should stop casting doubt on Brazil's electronic voting system, Reuters reported in May. Supreme Court Justice Jose Antonio Dias Toffoli told journalists in Sao Paulo that the business community understood a break with democracy would be "economic suicide," given the risk of sanctions from Europe and other Western powers.Īllies such as the United States have also signaled both publicly and privately what they expect from the second-largest democracy in the Western Hemisphere. A record number of foreign observers are coming to monitor the vote.īusiness leaders have also penned public declarations of their faith in the electoral system. Election officials created a "transparency commission" with tech experts, civic groups and government organs to review security measures and endorse best election practices. God knows what can happen."ĭetermined to avoid that, major Brazilian institutions have spent the past year trying to get ahead of Bolsonaro.Ĭongress voted down his push for a return to paper ballots. "If Lula wins, you can be sure there was major fraud and people will be really upset," said retired naval captain Wilson Lima, an organizer of the Bolsonaro rally in Brasilia. Demonstrators cited the big crowds as evidence that opinion polls are skewed and electoral fraud is Lula's only hope. There could be trouble."īolsonaro has shown he can easily mobilize tens of thousands of supporters, as he did at Independence Day rallies this month. Capitol in Washington last year if Bolsonaro loses to leftist former President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, as polls suggest.įor more than a year, Bolsonaro has insisted to his base without evidence that the polls are lying, Brazil's electronic voting system is open to tampering, and Supreme Court justices overseeing elections could rig the vote in Lula's favor.Įven one of Bolsonaro's campaign advisers, who requested anonymity to speak freely, could not rule out violent post-election demonstrations if the president challenges the results: "Bolsonaro is absolutely unpredictable. Electoral officials warn of an uprising inspired by the invasion of the U.S. ![]() Many believe that leaves room for turbulence after the vote. When pressed in interviews, Bolsonaro says he will respect the election result as long as voting is "clean and transparent," without defining any criteria. ![]() Any other result will be contested," said Camilo Caldas, a constitutional law professor at St. "One thing is certain about this election: President Bolsonaro will only accept one result – victory. The result is a far-right populist firebrand trailing in the polls with few institutional levers to derail the electoral process – but enough hardcore supporters to fill the streets with angry demonstrations if he cries foul as many expect. BRASILIA, Sept 19 (Reuters) - As President Jair Bolsonaro lays the groundwork to contest a potential defeat in an October election, Brazil's courts, congressional leadership, business groups and civil society are closing ranks to shore up trust in the integrity of the vote.Įven leaders of the armed forces, now more entwined in government than at any point since a 1964-1985 military dictatorship, offer private assurances to former peers that they want no part in disrupting democratic order, according to a half dozen former officials with close ties to military leadership.
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